János Lázár: Enthusiasm is very good, but let’s leave some time for questions. Take your seats, calm down, everyone keep calm – as is customary at “Lázár-info” events. Prime Minister, I have to tell you that we started with the questions before you arrived. The first question was about why, after sixteen years of government, it will be worth voting for us, Fidesz, in 2026. I said something, but you need to say something better. You have one minute to answer. One minute for the question, one minute for the answer. Viktor Orbán!
Good afternoon, everyone. If I understand correctly, it’s one question, one answer, one minute.
János Lázár: That’s right!
And there’s no chance of preferential treatment? It’ll be difficult like this.
János Lázár: You can speak to me, you can speak to me…
Well, now…
János Lázár: I’ll let you know, I’ll let you know. I’ll be strict, so that as many people as possible can ask questions. Everyone’s waiting with questions, on both the left and right sides.
Yes, but can I talk longer now, or not?
János Lázár: No. So please talk about why people should vote for us after fifteen years.
If I can’t talk for long, then I’m starting to feel as if I’m at home. This will be good! Let’s turn the question around: what if there were no Fidesz? If there were no Fidesz, there would be war. If there were no Fidesz–KDNP, there would be migrants – lots of them. If there were no Fidesz, there wouldn’t be one million jobs. If there were no Fidesz, then 200,000 Hungarian children would be missing from our lives today. If there were no Fidesz, then there would be no secure old age. If there were no Fidesz, then there would be no tax breaks for families with children. If there were no Fidesz, then there would be no first homes for young people. In other words, to stay within the one-minute limit, János: no Fidesz, no party.
János Lázár: Excellent answer! Prime Minister, the truth is, you know me well – sometimes my little inner devil comes out; and I’d like to ask you something else. You’ve been in politics for forty years. You’ve been doing this for forty years, haven’t you?
Well…
János Lázár: When did you start in the 1980s?
There are different estimates. Yes, at least forty.
János Lázár: You’ve been in politics for at least forty years. You’ve won a lot of elections, and you’ve been in government for almost twenty years. Why would anyone vote for you?
For me?
János Lázár: Yes. Why, after all this time, would anyone vote for Viktor Orbán? It’s been forty years, you’ve been in government for twenty years. Why should people vote for you, personally?
Yes, but will they vote for me? Isn’t it more about the fact that we have a fantastic community, and we can always bring forward the leader we need at any given moment? It’s not my job to campaign for others, but if we want reliable, steady, calm governance, then we’ll ask János Áder to take on the role.
János Lázár: You’ve just seen what it will be like.
The thing is, at home, my wife says that János Áder is always the best, and I should be like him. Well, let’s put that aside for now. But, let’s say, if we get tired of this and want some adventure or something new, then we’ll ask János. János, please, stir things up a bit!
János Lázár: Okay, no, no, no… Slow down, slow down! Let’s just stay with you, let’s just stay with you.
Or, let’s say, if we think that the most important thing is to have our finances in order, to be in such a secure position so that we can sleep soundly and there will be no problems with the books, then we’ll ask Mihály Varga to come forward from the National Bank and do it. So the most important thing is that we’re a community that can always bring forth and put at the helm leaders who are what we – the Hungarian people, the country, the homeland – need. This is our greatest strength. Now, so as not to dodge…
János Lázár: We’re asking you not to.
…while I was talking, I was thinking about what the right answer would be. I found three.
János Lázár: You can name three?
Yes, I can give three, in my own defence. First of all, I’m a man from the countryside, a villager. And if you have a choice, choose one of your own kind – that’s my advice. Second, I’m in my prime. True, I’ve noticed that I’ve been in my prime for thirty years now – but it still matters.
János Lázár: We’ve always said that.
And there’s a third thing. Although I may not have admitted it, or perhaps never in such a public forum, I didn’t undertake to form and lead a government that would govern well. Others can do that. What I secretly undertook to do was something else. I undertook to change the fate of the Hungarian people, the fate that others had intended for us. After the First World War, they intended us to be small and poor; and I want the Hungarian people to be great and rich. And I’m not done yet.
János Lázár: Go for it!
I’m not done yet!
János Lázár: Thank you very much! Thank you, Prime Minister! Now we move on to question number two. Thank you to István for his question. To my right! Please go ahead!
Ádám Varga: My name is Ádám Varga, and I’m from Csongrád. It’s a small town three quarters of an hour from here, right on the banks of the Tisza, but not on the side of Tisza.
János Lázár: An important distinction!
Ádám Varga: And we have a bridge over the Tisza. We just call it the wooden bridge, because it really is made of wood.
János Lázár: A pontoon bridge.
Ádám Varga: Yes, a pontoon bridge. And we’re afraid that one day we’ll fall into the Tisza. That’s very dangerous, especially with the Tisza nowadays.
János Lázár: The country thinks so too, as does everyone sitting here.
Ádám Varga: And I wanted to ask if there’s any chance we’ll get a new bridge.
János Lázár: That’s a simple question. There’s a bridge north of the beach, north of the Körös river mouth, which is intended to be temporary, and which you know well. People use it all the time, but it really can’t bear much weight. If we had a good transport minister, it would already be finished.
Well, yes.
János Lázár: That’s the simpler answer.
May I say something?
János Lázár: Of course! The floor is yours, Prime Minister. Thank you for your question, Ádám.
So my view is that when we talk about Tisza, we’re not really talking about Tisza. The danger isn’t Tisza: the danger is called Brussels. It’s just that Brussels’ representatives in Hungary are currently called Tisza. Make no mistake, it’s not Tisza we must fight, it’s not them we must defeat. We must defeat Brussels and prevent Hungary from being pushed back to the path it was on before 2010, when this country always did what Brussels wanted and never what was good for the Hungarian people. That’s the danger, and that’s what must be prevented.
János Lázár: Okay, but there are many questions here. The people of Szeged want a new bridge, and so do the people of Csongrád, and we’re talking about a specific bridge, not just in a figurative sense. We’re the party, we’re the government that always builds bridges: we’ve built one on the Tisza, and now we’re building one on the Danube. Can the people of Szeged and Csongrád count on this?
In every cycle two things have happened. In every cycle, we’ve built at least one large bridge, and in every cycle, we’ve founded at least one university. We already have a university here, so let’s have a bridge too!
János Lázár: Thank you. Question from the left. To my left, please!
Zoltán Grizák: I warmly welcome everyone. My name’s Zoltán Grizák, and I’m from Borota in Bács-Kiskun County, near Kiskunhalas.
János Lázár: Go ahead, Zoltán!
Zoltán Grizák: I have a direct question for the Minister.
János Lázár: Cripes!
Zoltán Grizák: The Prime Minister doesn’t support Brussels providing financial assistance to Ukraine in any way; but without such assistance, after a while the Ukrainian state will collapse. My question to you, Prime Minister, is this: to what extent does Hungary have an interest in Ukraine’s collapse?
János Lázár: Yes, Prime Minister.
I’ve prepared some figures, and I must emphatically say that Ukraine’s collapse would be a major problem for Hungary. So not only is it not in Hungary’s interest for Ukraine to collapse, but we must also do a great deal to prevent that from happening. People in rural areas understand this very well, as do real estate speculators: the value of your land is not only influenced by the condition of your own land, but also by the condition of your neighbour’s land, who lives there, and so on. The same is true for countries. It would be best if we were surrounded entirely by Austria. At this point I can’t commit to that. How can I prove that the Government is serious about this? Let me give you two figures. Forty-four per cent of Ukraine’s total electricity supply comes from Hungary; without it, they’d have collapsed. Fifty-eight per cent of Ukraine’s gas supply comes from Hungary. Just as an aside, we import Russian gas and pass on part of it to the Ukrainians. The world is a little more complicated than Brussels sees it. So the situation is that we need a stable Ukraine, we’re providing assistance, and it hurts that part of it is being stolen.
János Lázár: This will result in golden toilets, don’t downplay it!
Yes. But war doesn’t strengthen Ukraine, it destroys it. Only peace can strengthen Ukraine. Those who stand with Ukraine must want peace. Today, Ukraine isn’t adding to Europe’s strength, but diminishing it. Ukraine isn’t making us stronger, it’s making us weaker. We’ve spent 180 billion euros, and now they’ve decided on another 90 billion euros, making a total of 270 billion euros. A country the size of Ukraine could have been built or modernised with this money; or if we’d taken that money to North Africa, we could have created developments there to prevent migrants coming to Europe from that direction. It’s a huge amount of money, a huge opportunity, and it’s gone to waste.
János Lázár: Well, it’s great that you’re keeping track of the time. Question from the middle. Yes Madam, good afternoon!
Antalné Seres: I’m Antalné Seres, from Szeged.
János Lázár: Hello.
Antalné Seres: I’d like to ask the Prime Minister how the confiscation of frozen Russian assets was prevented at the EU summit, and how this was swept off the table.
János Lázár: Tell us a little about the struggle you fought there. Everyone’s waiting for it.
Okay, but is there some preference now, or is it only one minute?
János Lázár: Tell us in a minute – that’s how it works in politics. Tell us briefly, but tell us.
But it’s not a story, it’s just a csastushka [Russian folk ditty].
János Lázár: That’s right, so please go ahead.
So, it’s how you’ve described it in your question. In Brussels yesterday, or the day before yesterday, an immediate threat of war was averted. By seizing Russian assets, frozen Russian assets, Europe would have sent Russia a declaration of war; but we managed to catch the carrier pigeon in time. That’s what happened. It happened in Brussels in a minute. What’s this about? I’ll say this, just so that everyone feels the cold breath of the danger on the back of their neck. Two countries, Ukraine and Russia, are at war with each other. A third party – one that’s not involved in this war, a powerful one, the European Union – comes along and seizes the Russian assets of one country that’s at war. It seizes those assets. We’re talking about 230 billion. It seizes them, takes them away, and gives them to the other warring party. What do you think this is, if not a declaration of war? How can such a European Union be regarded, if not as an enemy? And if it’s an enemy, then we’re already at war. So taking the assets of one warring party and giving them to the other warring party means that you’ve entered the war with a huge amount of money, and you’re seriously involved in it – up to your neck. Of course, money still plays a role after wars. That’s why I say that from my studies I don’t remember that currency reserves, for example, have ever been confiscated during a war. There are cases – and we Hungarians know about this – in which you lose the war, one side wins and the other loses, and the loser is obliged to pay reparations. That’s what happened after World War I – with the Germans. That’s what happened after World War II. Reparations. We can talk about that when the war’s over, but you can’t do that during the war – because that means you’ve entered the war, you’ve got involved in the conflict. It will only be a matter of time before your soldiers are there too. There was yesterday’s interview with the German chancellor, who’s considering sending peacekeeping troops to Ukraine. Reporter: “And what if the Russians fire on the German troops that are sent there?” To this the Chancellor replied: “Well, we’ll shoot back!” That’s what you call war. We’re at this point now, so take it seriously! This isn’t a children’s game. It’s no accident that we’re at an anti-war rally: not just a simple Lázár-info session, but an anti-war rally. War is imminent, dangerous, knocking on the door, and we mustn’t open the door to it. This is why so many of us are here, so that we can keep it out.
János Lázár: Thank you very much for your answer, and thank you to Mrs. Seres as well. I’ll now call on the next questioner, from the middle. Please, Madam! Come closer, yes!
Excuse me, before we hear this question, let’s just say that we shouldn’t only praise ourselves, but also acknowledge that the Belgian prime minister played a key role in this very important action to preserve European peace. The Belgian! He fought heroically! Did it ever occur to you that the words Belgian and heroic would ever be mentioned in the same sentence? But I saw it with my own eyes.
János Lázár: That’s how Viktor Orbán praises you.
This poor Belgian prime minister was stabbed with red-hot irons and his flesh was torn with tongs for a whole day – and perhaps for weeks before that. The experts weren’t playing around – because they were Germans. And this man endured, hung on and persevered. If he hadn’t persevered, today we’d be in big trouble. So glory to the Belgian prime minister!
János Lázár: Okay, you have the floor.
Henrietta Tordai: Thank you very much. Honourable Prime Minister, Honourable Minister, my name is Henrietta Tordai, and I’m from Szentes. There are two parts to my question. The first is about peace, which we all desire so much, for which you’re fighting, and for which we Hungarians are also fighting with all our hearts, strength and perseverance. Will there still be security in Europe? Will there still be peace in Europe in the best and noblest sense of the word? And can Hungary count on America’s help, support and solidarity – even after security has been established, after the war? Or can we only count on ourselves? My second question, or rather my request, is addressed to the Minister. As a local councillor in Szentes, when in your greeting you spoke of troubled waters, I felt it very keenly, and we all felt it here, because there are many of us who not only have dreams and visions for Szentes, but also concrete goals, ideas and plans – even if these troubled waters and their waves…
János Lázár: Don’t tell me I’m standing in their way? Is that what you mean, that I’m standing in their way? Okay, I’m reassured.
Henrietta Tordai: No… Even if the waves of troubled waters threaten to crash over our heads many times, we will fight, because there’s a strong community that shares your vision, and is working for the good of the town.
János Lázár: The question was one minute – that’s very nice.
Henrietta Tordai: Please strengthen us, and strengthen not only the community in Szentes that wants to move forward.
János Lázár: We’ll strengthen you, don’t worry.
Henrietta Tordai: Thank you very much!
János Lázár: We’ll respond to Szentes in a moment.
About everything…
János Lázár: Prime Minister…
Okay, but that was six questions, one minute per question.
János Lázár: Yes, but then I’ll add this much to that… Very good, let’s not allow the forum to fall apart, I ask everyone to remain calm – and the respondent should also follow the rules. Prime Minister, I’d just like to add that we sit in government meetings, and we’ve been to Moscow and Washington. Based on the events of the last few months, do you believe that there will be peace in the next few months, or will we still be attending anti-war rallies in ten years’ time?
I think this is true in international politics, just as it is in our personal lives. So there’s a difference between peace and tranquillity at home, in one’s house. Peace means that we don’t argue. Harmony means that we enjoy being together. What I mean by this is that Europe doesn’t simply need peace, but harmony. Everyone should feel that things are fine as they are, that this is what they want, that they want to maintain this, and that this is how they can live together with others. Of course the arrangement may be unfair, we could talk about that, but no matter how unfair it is, let there be peace. So Europe needs peace. I don’t see any chance of that at the moment: there are too many wounds, they’ve been inflicted too deeply, and things like that heal slowly. There can be peace. Peace means there’s no war. Can we count on anyone but ourselves? No! I would have to give a long lecture on how Americans usually participate in European peace-making and whether or not that’s a good thing. Let’s say that if the Americans hadn’t come in and we here in Europe had decided the outcome of World War I, then we wouldn’t be sitting here like this today, we’d be at a multilingual anti-war forum with translators, because we would be in the Kingdom of Hungary of Saint Stephen. But the fact is that the world has changed, and today the money – the magnet in world politics, the thing that countries turn to – isn’t in Europe, but in Asia. This is why the Americans are turning their attention in that direction. Europe is getting much less attention – and if Europeans think that the Americans will protect them, they’re seriously mistaken. Europe must be able to defend itself. Let’s leave nuclear war out of this for now, that’s a different story; but when it comes to conventional weapons, border conflicts and economic wars, Europe must be strong enough to defend itself. The problem today is that with every decision we make, we’re making ourselves weaker, not stronger. The best example of this is what we’re talking about here: Ukraine. I’ll say it again: Ukraine doesn’t add to Europe’s strength, it diminishes it. We shouldn’t be financing the Ukrainian army. We need to strengthen the armies of the countries on Ukraine’s western flank, we need to strengthen the armies of European countries, we need to strengthen the European military industry – so that if there’s any trouble, Europe won’t be at the mercy of anyone. That should be the goal. So I suggest to Europe in general – but also to ourselves, to Hungarians – that we shouldn’t believe that anyone will rush to our aid. If we have good politicians and the stars align favourably, then of course they may rush to our aid. If our politicians are truly good, then we won’t lose out, but instead gain – because we’ve received “help” that didn’t benefit us, but instead caused us to lose out. We must never build our future on that; we must build our country on our own strength, our economic and military power, and the spiritual strength of our own people, the citizens of Hungary. Only this can protect us. This is why in the coming decade we must be strong. And since Europe’s heading towards war, which we’re not going to join, we must stay out of it, and we must be strong – which is why we need a pro-peace government. In European politics today there’s a pro-war party, a war party: it’s called the European People’s Party. The three people who want war the most are all German: the German chancellor, the President of the Commission, and the leader of the European People’s Party parliamentary group.
János Lázár: For us Hungarians, over the past hundred years this hasn’t meant much good.
That’s the situation. By the way, we created the entire European Union so that Europe wouldn’t be led by three Germans. But now we’re in this situation, and this is the war party. So there’s a group in Europe that wants war. The European People’s Party is at its centre. The party in Hungary called Tisza is a member of this war party. So today the Hungarian representative of the European war party is called Tisza. And there’s also a peace party in Europe, the Patriots. And the Hungarian representative of the Patriots, the peace party, is called Fidesz–KDNP. The 2026 election is the last election before the European war. We must vote for peace! If we don’t have a pro-peace government in 2026, then in 2029–30 we’ll all suffer the consequences together. We must decide this question now: war or peace?
János Lázár: Thank you for your answer. Henrietta, if you’ll allow me, I’d like to say a few words to the people of Szentes. First of all, on behalf of all of us, on behalf of all Fidesz members, I’d like to thank Member of Parliament Sándor Farkas for his twenty-five years of work in building the town. And if the people of Szentes vote for a good Fidesz candidate to replace him, they can count on this cooperation continuing. We owe them a sports hall. Make the right choice and you’ll get a sports hall. That’s how it is in this trade. To our right, to our right – questioner!
János Farkas: Good afternoon, Prime Minister, good afternoon, Minister. My name is János Farkas, and I’m from Magyarcsanád. I’d like to ask a question. Are the economic difficulties the result of the war, or perhaps the measures taken by the European Union? And if this can be quantified, how much damage have these EU sanctions caused to the Hungarian people?
Thank you.
János Lázár: What’s the problem? We’re talking about economic difficulties, aren’t we? People would like to understand – including the questioner, of course – whether this war and these sanctions are our own doing. What’s the situation?
If European leaders had done what we suggested in February, March and April 2022, the European economy would be in a much, much better state today, and the war wouldn’t have cost the Hungarian people a single penny. But Brussels didn’t choose that path. There was a big debate. I’ll say a few words about the latter, about what I had to say there. There was a big debate about this then, too. It was clear that there were two different paths to take, that we’d reached a fork in the road: either this way or that way. And they chose the path of sanctions. My proposal was that sanctions shouldn’t be imposed, but that negotiations should be held immediately with both warring parties: not with one of them, and then stand behind that one, but with both of them – and, if possible, calm the whole situation down. They decided not to, and I remember the lady commissioner saying that we’d cut down the Russian economy. She did this [makes a throat-cutting gesture]. The Russian economy! Compared with that, sanctions were introduced, and here we are. The sanctions are causing the problem, because they’ve led to energy price increases. If there were no European sanctions, energy prices wouldn’t be sky-high. In Europe today, people and businesses pay three to three and a half times more for energy than in America – or in China, our other competitor. How can we compete like this? We can’t compete at all. Of course they’ll beat us to death. Europe’s share of the global economy is steadily declining, the Americans are maintaining theirs and increasing it slightly, the Chinese are rising, and we’re falling. Let there be no misunderstanding: belonging to the European Union today doesn’t give Hungary energy, but takes energy away from us. All the European Union is doing today is trying to make this historical decline somehow bearable. There’s no thought, no concept, no programme for how to move from decline to stabilisation and growth. There’s no such programme! And all this was caused by sanctions. It’s difficult to translate this into forints. In euros I calculate that the Hungarian economy has lost more than 20 billion euros due to the war of the past four years and the sanctions associated with it. This is a huge amount!
János Lázár: And let’s not forget that this also led to inflation. Over the past hundred years we Hungarians have learned that every war results in the devaluation of money.
Yes. If we had those 20 billion euros, we could build a bridge from Szentes to Budapest.
János Lázár: There you are! If [Minister for Economy] Marci Nagy were here, he’d say that in 2025 the most important and most difficult task was curbing inflation, which was caused by energy price increases. Perhaps this answer is worth giving to the questioner. Question from the left.
Hajnalka Dénes: Good afternoon, my name is Hajnalka Dénes, and I’d like to ask the Prime Minister…
János Lázár: What a pity…!
Hajnalka Dénes:…or first of all, I’d like to congratulate the Prime Minister for fighting hard for us in Brussels. My question is, or what I’d like to ask, is that in light of the negotiations in Brussels on Wednesday and Thursday, do you see any change in terms of escalation? Has the situation improved or worsened?
János Lázár: Thank you for your question.
First of all, thank you for your kind words, but I must admit, I like being thrown in at the deep end. How depressing it is to have to walk a kilometre into Lake Balaton before finally finding yourself in danger. Deep water is something else! These situations inspire me, because if you have a challenge that someone else can solve, then let someone else solve it. People like to be where they are needed. This is why the struggle and the tension don’t scare us, hold us back or stifle us. Instead, we say, “Finally, let’s see where we stand.” This is why it’s important that we know how to win, that we always know how to win. Now we’ve averted the danger, the immediate danger of war; but the danger of war is greater today than it was before the Brussels summit. So let’s not let our guard down. Why is it greater? It’s greater because, although the frozen Russian assets haven’t been stolen or confiscated, it’s been decided to give a war loan. That’s 90 billion euros at the moment. Now this war loan is being given to Ukraine – which means that Ukraine will pay it back. Well, Tisza will win the election in Hungary when the Ukrainians pay back the loan – that’s about all I can say.
János Lázár: We didn’t come here for nothing, not for nothing.
So Ukraine has to be given a loan. But there’s another problem: not only won’t they pay it back, but we don’t have the money. So what should we do? We have to take out a loan ourselves. We give Ukraine a war loan, but since we don’t have any money, we have to borrow from banks and creditors, and then send the loan to Ukraine. And when it turns out that the Ukrainians can’t pay, then we’ll have to pay back to the bankers in London what we gave them. That’s the situation: 90 billion, with interest. That’s where we stand. So what follows from this? Who wanted war up until now? Some European politicians wanted war, thinking that a country with nuclear weapons could be defeated in a conventional war. Good luck with that! They should experiment with their own grandchildren, not with ours! We’re not taking that risk. War, or some kind of armed conflict, is always wanted by those who manufacture weapons. These are the arms manufacturers. And now a third group has emerged: “How can we get back the loan we gave to Ukraine? We can get it back if we defeat Russia in a war, and after we’ve defeated it, we’ll force it to pay reparations.” This is why even the bankers now want them to continue, because otherwise how will they get our money back? So they can get their money back if they defeat Russia militarily. That’s how it works. I remind everyone, I remind you of your studies. World War I. The heir to the throne is shot in Sarajevo. Chaos. European citizens, I suppose, are sitting in a café in Szeged. They talk: “Oh, this could spell big trouble!” “Of course, it could spell big trouble, but European leaders aren’t so foolish as to drag us into a war, are they?” They finish their coffee, go home: “They’re not that foolish!” A month later, we’re at war. There’s a blitzkrieg, and they’ll be home before Christmas. But not only did they not come home then – they never came home! And not only did they not come home, but two-thirds of the country was lost. So I want to tell everyone not to trust European politicians to be sensible enough not to drag us into a war. They’re not sensible enough for that. There’s only one thing we can trust in, and that’s the judgement of the people of Europe. We can trust them in Szeged, Hungary, Slovakia, Croatia, Italy and Germany. We must trust the people, who will hold similar rallies. Make no mistake, this is only happening in Hungary at the moment, but it won’t be long before there are large anti-war rallies in Germany and France, too. And we must trust that the people will force peace from below. That’s the only thing we can trust in!
János Lázár: Thank you for your answer. Before we move on, the average length of Lázár-info sessions is 3 hours and 20 minutes. There are two options: either we stay until 3:40, meaning for a total of 3 hours and 40 minutes, or I’ll try to sanction the respondent for…
Yes, yes.
János Lázár:…please shorten your answers a little. More concise answers, a little more to the point, Prime Minister!
I’ll try.
János Lázár: I’m the boss here.
I’m telling you, I feel I’m at home.
János Lázár: I’ll run through everything that happened at the government meetings this year. Here, a question from the middle.
Matild Lasovszky: I’m Matild Lasovszky, from Szeged. A short while ago, the Prime Minister mentioned that we hand over a bridge in every term. My question is now for Prime Minister Lázár or – Minister…
János Lázár: I’m in big trouble…
Matild Lasovszky: What a meltdown! How many more terms will the people of Szeged have to wait for that third bridge to be built? We’ve seen many promises, and it’s not been built yet.
János Lázár: That’s right. We have two answers. One will be given by the Prime Minister, who will explain Szeged’s role in the Government’s plans – because as you saw when you came here, a 330-hectare factory is being built next to the motorway as we speak. I’ll give a brief answer about the bridge. We’ve both visited Mayor László Botka several times, planning is underway, the implementation plans are now being finalised, the compulsory purchase of land is about to begin. It will definitely take another half a term to get started, but we’ll build it, as it’s a bridge of strategic importance. We’re ready with everything concerning the routes and plans, we’ll begin compulsory purchases in 2026, and we’ll be able to start building the bridge. Szeged deserves this bridge. Prime Minister: about Szeged.
I’m not from Szeged, so I’m cautious about speaking on this matter. The people of Szeged will decide what they want, and I don’t think I can interfere with that. Perhaps I can speak about what should happen to the country; and I’d like to ask the people of Szeged for their help in this regard. But since János is provoking me here, only to immediately reprimand me for exceeding my time limit with a long answer to a difficult question, it’s worth considering from a national perspective whether Szeged has a mission. This is apart from ensuring that the people of Szeged feel good here in Szeged, which is certain, and which is the first consideration. And I have to say that there are a few cities in Hungary that, because of our history, have a national mission. These are the big cities that are close to the country’s borders. And there are cities that have fulfilled this national mission, and there are those that will do so in the future. If you look at Debrecen, for example, you’ll see that Debrecen is a real powerhouse, a fantastic powerhouse, which Lajos Kósa turned from a somewhat sleepy rural town into a fantastic, powerful, developing city. It was a long time ago, we might not remember it, but that’s to his credit as mayor. And look at what’s happening in Debrecen. Of course, there’s debate about development. There’s never any debate about lukewarm water: there are debates about cold water and hot water, whether or not they’re good, but there are never any debates about lukewarm water. There are debates in Debrecen, but the city is moving forward and developing. And take a look at Győr, which has a similar national strategic and political role in the other direction. It’s a centre of power. Now, in my opinion, Pécs and Szeged are beautiful cities, great cities, with excellent universities, I can say a lot of good things about them, and perhaps life there is more secure and comfortable compared to other parts of the country; but these two large cities haven’t yet fulfilled their historical mission. They’re not yet the power centres that can attract people, energy and business opportunities regardless of borders, and that can radiate energy. Look at the nearest Romanian city and compare it to Szeged. I’m thinking of Timișoara/Temesvár, which may offer a less comfortable life, but look at its vitality. Similarly, if you look south from Pécs, you see Zagreb and Osijek/Eszék. So what I want to say is that these southern cities certainly have their own problems that need to be prioritised when it comes to addressing them; but from my point of view the most important thing is that if we’re building a great, strong Hungary, then these centres of power must fulfil their mission. They should become even stronger, even richer, even more developed; they should have technology, business and capital, and they should radiate a tremendous energy with which they can reintegrate – without touching the borders – everything that our ancestors built up over one thousand years. This is a mission. And for this I think a bridge may not be enough.
János Lázár: Thank you. But what’s the fate of cities in Hungary that are led by the opposition? In Szeged we’re creating ten thousand new jobs, as a result of cooperation between the Government and the city: ten thousand new jobs on 330 hectares in a county and a city like this. And, speaking of bridges, last year the Government provided separate funding for the renovation of the old bridge until the new bridge is ready and complete. That’s what it’s like to be a bad opposition city leader in Hungary today, in 2025. Question from the right.
Zsolt: Good afternoon. I have a few short questions for Orbán and Tuzson. The first is, why are you lying about children? I’m referring to the Minister of Justice’s report. The second question is, why aren’t you protecting children? The third question…
János Lázár: Let’s show each other some respect. I ask everyone to be a little more patient – calm down, calm down! The questioner has the floor. If I want to give someone else the floor, I will, but right now the questioner has the floor. Please show everyone some respect.
Zsolt: I will. Absolutely. The third question is this: Who’s this important person whose dirty deeds you’re covering up? The fourth question is this: Why have you stolen our children’s future? I await your answers!
János Lázár: Thank you for your questions. Thank you for your questions – calm down, everyone! It’s starting to feel like a real Lázár-info session. That’s it! Well, the issue is child protection and related events. We ask everyone for patience.
There’s the issue of crimes committed against children. I just want to share a couple of figures with you. Before 2010, there were eighty people in prison for paedophile crimes. Today there are more than seven hundred! So who’s protecting children?
János Lázár: So we’re the ones protecting children.
We’re protecting children!
János Lázár: What was the reason for paedophiles not being prosecuted and imprisoned before 2010? However, this question shouldn’t be asked at this meeting, but at another one this afternoon. And there are also six hundred paedophiles rotting in prison in Szeged.
Now let’s look at other crimes committed against children. Over the past fifteen years we’ve filed hundreds of reports on such crimes. I can never promise that everyone in this country will always behave well. I can’t even promise that every state institution will always function properly at all times. There’s one thing I can promise: if anyone breaks the law, whether they commit a crime against children or adult Hungarian citizens, we shall collar them and we shall punish them. I’ve made this commitment, and we shall fix the institutions that have failed. There’s another special situation here, namely reformatories, which seem to have been the subject of debate in recent days. We’re talking about children whose lives have gone off the rails. And every child’s life that’s gone off the rails affects one. We’re talking about children whose lives have gone off the rails and who have committed crimes – including, by the way, murder. So these are criminals who are being held in custody – they’re not in prison, but in reformatories. Of course, just saying, but the lives of those young people who were killed or raped are more of a tragic loss, just… And I see that for some reason there’s no mention of them or their parents. So these juveniles have committed crimes. The question is what to do with them. And so far, for almost thirty years now, the approach has been to keep these juvenile offenders – we’re talking about those between the ages of 14 and 18 – in special correctional institutions. Those under the age of 12 are a simpler case. So between the ages of 14 and 18. And I can see that this isn’t working well – this needs to be changed. So I see that if we don’t place reformatories under the jurisdiction of the penal system and treat the matter with a police-like logic, then there will always be trouble – again and again. So order must be restored, and these institutions must be placed where they belong: within the penal system.
János Lázár: Before we move on to the next question, let me say one more thing, because we’d also like to reflect on the last question, about who it is that gives children opportunities and possibilities. The European Commission has prepared a survey, which is like the Bible to you. Calm please – calm on the podium and among the questioners. I say to the questioner, the European Commission’s report is like the Bible to you, and it’s worth consulting. The European Commission prepared a report on the extent of child poverty in Hungary in 2010. And in 2023 it prepared another report on how many children are exposed to poverty. In thirteen years we eliminated child poverty in Hungary; and we, the Fidesz party, have done this because we provide every child with opportunities and chances – regardless of where they’re born. As long as we’re in government every Gypsy/Roma child in this country will thrive, and every poor child will have the opportunity to find their place in life. This is what distinguishes us from you, who asked the question. Question from the left!
Kinga Szép: I’m Kinga Szép, from Miskolc, an activist for Kati Csöbör – so “Go Kati, go Miskolc!”
János Lázár: Thank you.
Kinga Szép: I’d like to draw attention to the problem that in the online space where we’re fighting, we now have enemies, not opponents. And I can give you an example: they receive orders from above to go to right-wing posts and influencers’ posts and comments and report them at least five hundred times – because then the page will either be restricted or taken down.
That’s how it is!
Kinga Szép: So this is unsporting behaviour, and I’d like to ask for help on what to do. Until now, I’ve been fighting against people like the previous questioner. The result of this is that now, for example, I have two groups – I won’t mention their names, because I see that our enemies are here.
János Lázár: It’s good if everyone’s here; everyone attends our meetings, because the others aren’t interesting.
Kinga Szép: Yes! I’m currently serving a one-month suspension, and I can’t manage my groups, so in my additional spare time I’m blocking all the Tisza-ites.
János Lázár: And be sure to join the Lázár-info Digital Civic Circle if you have time.
Kinga Szép: I’m everywhere, of course, but I can’t comment, for example…
That’s how it is.
Kinga Szép: Instead, I block all Tisza-ites, and I don’t fight with them anymore. What else can we do?
János Lázár: Prime Minister, what’s your response to this?
The idea of digital civic circles came about because we were suffering from these problems. And I saw that our opponents were systematically attacking people with national, civic or Christian sentiments, and not just engaging in the genre of spewing bile online. And I thought that this wasn’t right, and that we should protect ourselves. And if we can’t protect ourselves individually, then we should protect ourselves collectively. And the digital civic circles are a fantastic opportunity to defend ourselves collectively. I’m not saying we should attack them, but towards the end of the campaign everything will come to a head. Right now I say we should defend ourselves. So if they attack us, go there; if they send five hundred people to comment on us, let’s send a thousand, and if they send a thousand, let’s send two thousand. We must stand up for one another in the online space as well. This is strength! We can’t rely on them to see the light, to be ashamed of themselves, and to improve. I think if you read just two such comments, you’ll see that they’re already past that. What matters here is strength: we must defend ourselves. Of course, since we believe in the power of love and solidarity, we must defend each other well, so we must fight in a good style; but we must defend ourselves firmly and strongly, and repel every attack. And if János will give me another thirty seconds, my other thought about digital civic circles is why do we accept it as natural that only ugly, horrible, unpleasant things happen in the online space? Why do we accept this? If we let only the lefty-libs go on there, it will end up just like them. That’s exactly what they’re like! When you read these comments, it’s a snapshot – it’s not the opinion of one person, it’s a snapshot: that’s what they’re like. So what I’m saying is that I serve them too, because the Hungarian prime minister has to serve everyone; and even those who didn’t vote for us are better off with us. But it’s okay to say that, isn’t it? If we look at it, that’s what the world looks like. Shameless opinions, rudeness, hurtful, horrible… But if we don’t go into the online space, then the whole online space will be like that. That’s why we have to go in, and say that it’s a tool. It can be like that, but if we’re there, people of a different nature and disposition, then the entire online space will change. Then in the online space rudeness will recede, ugliness will recede, and pride and joy and togetherness and connection and everything that’s good in the world will be able to appear. Who said that you can only watch pornographic films in the online space? There are also romantic films, and you can watch those too.
János Lázár: Thank you, Prime Minister! Question from the middle, please!
László Malik: Thank you very much for giving me the floor. Good afternoon, my name is László Malik, and I’m also from Csongrád. Unfortunately my thunder’s been stolen: the long-awaited permanent bridge connecting Csongrád and Tiszazug. So I’ll have to ask something else. In Europe it’s clear that for many people the norm in their way of thinking is war, not peace. This is their starting point, what they support and what they promote. What motivates them, and could there be some kind of master plan behind it? And since I’m standing here at the microphone, excuse me, but I’d like to wish everyone a Blessed and Peaceful Christmas!
János Lázár: Thank you, and we wish you the same. If you’ll allow me, Prime Minister, I’d like to supplement the question with the great lesson and experience from Lázár-info events. You, and all of us, say that by offering credit our allies in the European Union – the prime ministers sitting in the European Council – are now leading their countries towards war. People want to understand this, and we need to be able to answer why they have an interest in a war. What do they hope to achieve by investing money, maintaining the situation, pouring oil on the fire, and strengthening, rather than de-escalating, the conflict? What’s the goal, what’s the motivation? You sit there among them, you see them, you talk to them, they’re your friends, your acquaintances, and they love you to death. Tell us something about what you think is behind it all. You always like to look behind things – what do you see there? What’s the motivation behind this?
We’re under an unfortunate constellation, because it’s not that there’s a master plan somewhere and an evil figure sitting somewhere, pulling the strings and arranging things so that there will be destruction and war. That’s not what’s happening. What’s happening is that there’s a military conflict, and everyone’s started looking for what opportunities it holds for them. And it holds different opportunities for different countries. This is why many want war – but not all for the same reason. To mention a country that’s very friendly with us, a historically friendly country despite occasional clashes, it always thinks that if there’s a war involving Russia, it should be used to weaken Russia as much as possible; because it lives with the knowledge that sooner or later Russia will pose a threat to it. So, even though it didn’t start the war, it thinks it’s a good thing if Russia is weakened in this war. Then there are small countries in the same part of Europe that believe that the Russians pose a constant and direct threat, because those countries used to belong to the Soviet Union, and Russia may want to take them back. Then there are the great European traditions. Napoleon attacked Russia, didn’t he? And Hitler! They didn’t succeed, but now Kaja Kallas will! That’s obviously the idea. And generally speaking, I have to say that if you go to the museums in St. Petersburg or Moscow, you’ll see that while Russian paintings aren’t in the museums of Paris and Berlin, war booty taken from Europe is in Russia’s museums.
János Lázár: And from Hungary too.
From Hungary too. So I’d caution everyone against picking a fight with the Russians, jumping into a war, attacking them. Miklós Horthy didn’t want war with the Russians either. If the Germans hadn’t pushed us into it, we wouldn’t have gone to the Don Bend, where my grandfather – and, I imagine, the grandfathers of quite a few others here – ended up. I just want to tell you that different groups of countries are in favour of war for different reasons. Now, as I mentioned, there’s also a financial reason, because that’s where their money is. They’ve put their money there, which Ukraine can’t repay. So what will happen? Well, they’ve been feeding this line to the whole of Europe! So, János, if I may say so, hats off to you János, because there’s nothing like Lázár-info events in Western Europe!
János Lázár: I’ll gladly go there if there’s a need.
This is a Hungarian speciality. So, responsible people should stand up and say, “Here we are, ask your questions.” Because then they’d ask questions like, “How did these millions of migrants get here when we didn’t want them?” And they’d ask how we ended up on the brink of war, and “Who allowed you to send money to Ukraine?” What I mean is that European leaders have fed their own citizens the line that this is a war that won’t cost them a penny, because “We’ll seize Russian assets and pay for everything out of that, and we’ll defeat the Russians, and there will be reparations.” That’s what they fed them. Now the cat’s out of the bag, because in Brussels this weekend it turned out that this won’t be the case, and Spanish, German, and Portuguese taxpayers will have to dig into their pockets to pay for the war. Now comes the awakening. And Western leaders are running after their money, because when it all comes out, unedited in full widescreen, they’ll be asked, “How could you have dared to do this?” That moment will come, just as the migration crisis means that the Germans have already swept everyone responsible for migration out of German politics. European leaders aren’t rushing to reach that moment, which is perhaps understandable.
János Lázár: Thank you for your answer. Question from the right, from our right.
Ádám Kiss: Prime Minister, Minister, my name is Ádám Kiss, and I come from the neighbouring town of Makó. After many serious questions, I’d like to ask the Prime Minister a particularly serious question. It’s said that the Prime Minister is a good cook. I’d like to ask what dish will definitely be on the festive table. We know very well how you prepare ham at Easter. We’re curious to know what you prepare for Christmas dinner. Thank you very much!
János Lázár: It seems that Ádám, who asked the question, also likes to eat. So the question now is how you prepare for Christmas.
There are indeed serious things that can’t be left to others. War loans, things like that, ham and pork, those have to be taken care of. But I don’t usually cook at Christmas – then I’m on the other side of the table, waiting for it. And at Christmas there’s fish, fish soup and carp – and that’s not my thing: I wait for my wife to feed me – that’s my Christmas strategy.
János Lázár: Question from the middle, a question from the middle. Maximum one minute for the question, maximum one minute for the answer, and we’ll allow a few more questions. Go ahead!
László Klépics: László Klépics from Domaszék. I’d like to ask… Or rather, the Prime Minister has often said that Hungary is on the side of peace. Now, when he’s in Brussels at EU summits, this is an uncomfortable minority position. Could it be that there are political views that may be favourable to us in the future, but they just don’t dare to express them publicly?
János Lázár: I’d just also like to ask how alone you feel when you sit there with twenty-odd other prime ministers, or how uncomfortable it was that the European press tried to push you around, and that there are worthless Hungarian media outlets that accuse you of being isolated. So, you know, it’s a room with no one else in it: few people know this, but there are no colleagues there, no sherpas, no one else. You sit there alone with twenty-odd other prime ministers. How alone do you actually feel, and how much do you feel like you’ve been cast out or rejected?
There’s a Székely story in which a boy runs to his father and says, “Father, there are so many coming for us: at least ten for each of us!” To which the old man replies, “Well, that’s how many we need.”
János Lázár: You enjoy it.
So you can look at the world from this perspective, but if you get tired of playful cunning, then you have to take it seriously. I feel exactly the way you’d feel in my place. Because it really is a difficult situation – which, of course, applies to the crazy driver who sees everyone driving towards him on the motorway. And a Frenchman and a German really do say, “My dear friend, all the rest of us think differently about this. Why do you think you’re right?” It was difficult at first. But now it’s easy, because I fought the migration battle against them. All twenty-seven of them said, “You’re driving towards us on the motorway.” And I stood my ground, and now they’d give their right arms to have the same conditions there on migration as Hungary has. So now I have a reference point for this. Now, briefly – because, you know, there’s serious command here – I’ll summarise the speech I gave on Thursday to the other twenty-six. In a nutshell, it was as follows. “I made two attempts to bring about a strategic change in the war policy of this body, the Council. I failed both times, probably because I didn’t argue well enough. Once, when Donald Trump won the US presidential election, I suggested that we make a 180-degree turn. That gave us all a clean sheet, a chance to make a change. The second time was when the Russian president met the American president in Alaska. Another opportunity. I suggested that we change our strategy. You rejected it. But now I’m making a third attempt. I’m asking you to consider making a 180-degree turn, to stand behind the US president, to do nothing else, to support the US president’s peace efforts, and to ultimately achieve peace; because, believe me, it’s cheaper to finance peace than war. This is what I’m asking you to do!” That was my speech, more or less.
János Lázár: Thank you for your answer. We’re coming to the end of the questions. One question from the left, one question from the left – please, Madam.
Henriett Schriffertné Locskai: My name is Henriett Schiffertné Locskai, I’m from Újkígyós in Békés County, and I’d like to follow up on the previous question from the section on the right. With Christmas approaching, I’d like to ask you both what your favourite Christmas bejgli is.
János Lázár: The truth is that this question is too easy. But right away I’ll prove that Lázár-info is very difficult, so now the Prime Minister has the floor first. He’ll answer first.
I like it best when it’s walnut first, then poppy seed, and then walnut again. That’s my favourite.
János Lázár: The truth is, Prime Minister, that it’s rare to get such an easy question as the bejgli one. But I’d also like to show you the instrument that made Lázár-info more colourful. Don’t be alarmed – I won’t get too close to your ear and blow on it; but I’d like to thank Bálint Szabó, who’s struggling with problems but who hasn’t allowed me to get bored at Lázár-info events. I thank him very much for allowing me to show this trumpet to all of us here, reminding everyone of the year 2025. Last question from the middle.
Szilvia Mészáros: I’m Szilvia Mészáros, from Szentes.
János Lázár: The majority are from Szentes.
Szilvia Mészáros: For me the sad message from yesterday is that the V4 has become the V3. What can we expect after this? Prime Minister, in which European country after the Czech Republic can we expect to see a patriotic turnaround? Thank you very much.
János Lázár: Thank you very much. Before I give the floor to the Prime Minister, I’d like to thank everyone for their questions. I’d like to say that for those who didn’t get the chance to ask a question, given that we’re still in Advent, this isn’t quite the same as the Lázár-info that will be available twice a week throughout the country from 15 January, and after that even more than once a day. To everyone who’d have liked to ask a question but was unable to do so, I’d like to offer my personal email address, lazar@lazarjanos.hu, to which you can send your questions – I promise that the Prime Minister and I will answer them together. I apologise to everyone who’s honoured us with their presence, whether they’re Fidesz or Tisza supporters. I’m glad that they’re here with us. We’re glad that you wanted to ask questions, but now I’ll give the Prime Minister the right and opportunity to answer the last question. We’re waiting for your questions on lazar@lazarjanos.hu, and the Prime Minister and I will answer them.
So, the V4 has become the V3, which is good news, because up until now it was the V1.
János Lázár: This shows that you’re making good progress.
And actually, it’s not three, but three and a half, because the Polish president is with us. And, of course, we need to reorganise the V3 and V4 now so that we can defend ourselves against the sanctions from Brussels and ward off the attacks coming from there – even though their power and seriousness are waning. Recently, when I was sitting there surrounded by them, and they were threatening us with all kinds of sanctions, it occurred to me that I’m an older person, and when I was at university there was a subject called the history of the labour movement. There are others here who shared my fate. And there, I remember a genial teacher telling me a story that comes to mind in connection with the Brussels sanctions. Sometime after Lenin’s death, a committee within the Soviet Communist Party held a meeting to determine whether Mrs. Krupskaya, who was Lenin’s widow, was becoming increasingly inclined towards Trotskyism. And so they made a decision, which they wrote down, stating that if Mrs. Krupskaya continued to lean towards Trotskyism, they’d strip her of the title of “Lenin’s widow”. Well, that’s why we need the V3, so we can laugh at them – this is how we can laugh at them. But in conclusion, János, if I may, I can say that we’re making good progress in Europe. My mother-in-law, God rest her soul, gave me some serious wisdom that I always carry with me. It goes like this: “Viktor, everything will be all right in the end. If it’s not all right, then it’s not the end yet.”
János Lázár: Ladies and Gentlemen, Dear Friends, the man of the Hungarian people: Viktor Orbán!
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